The China Puzzle, Part 7
by Linda A. Prussen-Razzano

During his 1992 presidential campaign, then Governor Clinton promised to receive a “full accounting” of our POW/MIAs from Vietnam.  At the time, we did not have normalized trade relations with Vietnam; they were still under sanctions.  Then-Governor Clinton assured Americans that he would remain firm against our former enemies, until such time as they answered the questions of families who had “never forgotten” their lost loved ones.

He lied.

During his 1992 campaign, Clinton turned to his friends from Arkansas, the Riadys, for financial assistance.  The Riadys, a powerful family from Jakarta, Indonesia, control the Lippo Group (Lippo Ltd.), the Lippo Bank here in the United States, and various other holdings.  In 1990, the Lippo Bank was investigated for making over 900 wire transfers to banks in China, to the tune of some $7 million.  The Lippo Group also has offices and interests in Indonesia, Hong Kong, and China.

Surprised?

Throughout Clinton’s various campaigns, the Lippo Group donated over $700,000 in direct contributions.  During a “crucial” moment in the 1992 campaign, the Lippo Bank loaned Clinton over $3.5 million.  One of their subsidiaries provided Clinton with free travel, which saved him thousands of dollars in operating expenses.

Once Clinton was elected, Mr. Mochtar Riady, leader of the Riady family, expected his generosity to be rewarded.

It was.

Riady was interested in increasing his business holdings in Indonesia, China, and Vietnam.  His desire to expand his empire in Vietnam was reflected in a March 9, 1993 four-page letter to President Clinton.

On April 13, 1993, while the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas was under siege, the President held his fifth meeting that week with Riady and Johnny Huang, then a senior executive at the Lippo Group.  Reportedly, they discussed foreign policy.  Riady would continue to visit the White House, bringing foreign dignitaries to meet the President and arranging trips for White House and Administration personnel abroad.

In September of 1993, Riady led a trade mission of Asian bankers to Vietnam, later establishing offices in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City.  The only thing standing in his way was the status of U.S. trade relations with Vietnam.

On February 4, 1994, Mr. Clinton lifted the 30-year embargo on Vietnam, but did not normalize trading.

Within a few months, the incomparable Johnny Huang was given a job at the Commerce Department.  Courtesy of a Presidential waiver, Huang was issued a top-secret security clearance without a background-check, and maintained it even after he left the Commerce Department.  During his tenure, Johnny Huang sat in on 146 meetings; at 37 of these meetings, classified material was discussed or distributed. “A January 13, 1997, letter from the Commerce Secretary Mickey Kantor says that Mr. Huang got a weekly intelligence briefing centered on the People's Republic of China and the materials related to those briefings were under the control of the CIA,” (H1534: “COSCO: A COMMUNIST CHINESE-OWNED COMPANY,” House of Representatives, Rep. Cunningham, April 15, 1997).  Phone records indicate that upon leaving these meetings, many of which centered on foreign relations, Huang would contact the Lippo Group.  Some specific examples are:

• Huang received a document classified `secret' at 10 a.m. on May 4, 1995. Four hours later, Huang had a 10-minute call with Lippo's office in Los Angeles.  
• On May 9, 1995, Huang had a meeting scheduled with other senior Commerce officials on the `status of Dragongate,' a multibillion-dollar Taiwanese power plant project. That afternoon, he made two short calls to Lippo. Taiwan was one area of interest for Huang.  
• The next day, Huang received additional secret documents and made two short calls to Lippo's office in Los Angeles (The Stars and Stripes, “’93 Lippo Letter Renews Hill Scrunity of Move to End Viet Embargo,” Mark Allen Peterson, December 9-15, 1996).

According to Commerce Department records, from the moment of his arrival at Commerce, Johnny Huang launched a vigorous internal campaign to influence foreign trade policies with Indonesia, China, and Vietnam.

Meanwhile, Riady set up a business deal potentially worth several million dollars; however, he still needed trade relations normalized.  “By early 1995, the firm had put together a joint marketing venture with First Union Corp. of North Carolina to finance trade efforts in Southeast Asia.” (Washington Times, “While Lippo Eyed Vietnam, Huang Pushed at Commerce,” Jerry Seper, December, 1996).

In July of 1995, President Clinton fully normalized relations with Vietnam. Johnny Huang later joined the DNC as it’s most notorious and effective fundraiser.  Riady and his Chinese partners enjoyed huge financial rewards.

The POW/MIAs still remain unaccounted for, and their families got the shaft.

Is the picture getting a little clearer? ***

Related Sources:

• The Los Angeles Times, “Huang Accused of Espionage--Solomon Says Fund Raiser Shared Classified Information to Lippo Group,” June 13, 1997.  
• MSNBC, “Huang May Have Passed Trade Secrets,” Robert Windrem, June 10, 1997.  
• The Washington Times, “Solomon Seeks Details As Number of Huang Briefings Rises,” Jerry Seper, May, 1997.  
• H1534: “COSCO: A COMMUNIST CHINESE-OWNED COMPANY,” House of Representatives, Rep. Cunningham,  April 15, 1997.  
• Washington Times, “While Lippo Eyed Vietnam, Huang Pushed at Commerce,” Jerry Seper, December, 1996.  
• Washington Times, “Secrecy on Riady Letters Ripped, Solomon Warns of More Scrutiny,” Jerry Seper and Paul Bedard, December, 1996.  
• The Washington Times, “Clinton Says Lippo Letter Didn't Sway Hanoi Policy,” Jerry Seper and Paul Bedard, December, 1996  
• The Stars And Stripes, “’93 Lippo Letter Renews Hill Scrutiny of move to End Viet Embargo,” Mark Allen Peterson, December 9-15, 1996.  
• The New York Times, “Letters Show How Indonesian Donor Family Lobbied Clinton,” Alison Mitchell, Dec. 3, 1996.

COPYRIGHT © 1999 - 2002 BY THE AMERICAN PARTISAN. All writers retain rights to their work.